Several cities have begun to
integrate shared-use mobility options into their transportation policies. The
extent to which this integration is occurring, however, varies significantly by
city and by mode.
One common example of cities crafting
a policy that addressed shared-use mobility started with determining parking or
docking locations for carshare and bikeshare. For carshare operators such as
Zipcar—in which the “home” location of the vehicles is fixed—many cities have
adopted policies that assign surface or lot parking spaces to shared-use
vehicles, diminishing the necessity to provide a personal parking spot for
every municipal employee. Cambridge, Massachusetts has taken steps to integrate
policies supportive of carsharing into its zoning and parking ordinances
governing land uses. In June 2015, the Cambridge Planning Board recommended
adoption of a City Council zoning petition that would set aside spaces for
shared vehicles in municipal lots near commercial districts. This innovation, though small, has proven critical to the success of such
carshare operations. The recent proliferation of one-way carshare has prompted
a new accommodation in some cities: shared vehicles are exempted from
zone-based parking restrictions and can use metered spots for a fixed fee paid
for by the operator.
As carshare established a foothold as
a viable transportation option, some transit agencies went a step further to
ensure shared-use options mesh with traditional transit service. In Washington,
DC, the regional transit operator WMATA, recently announced a partnership with
Enterprise Carshare to provide shared-use vehicles at 125 WMATA-owned parking
spaces adjacent to 45 Metrorail stations. Per the terms of the
contract, Enterprise will compensate WMATA for the parking-fee revenue lost as
a result of the reduction in publicly available spaces. In the Boston area, the Massachusetts Bay
Transportation Authority now designs new stations with spaces marked for shared
vehicles.
Urban bikeshare systems have also
been designed to complement traditional transit service. Due to relatively low operating
costs and the minimal infrastructure needed, bikeshare serves as an excellent
first/last-mile service. A 2014 customer survey of Capital Bikeshare, the
Washington, DC area system, found Metrorail stations to be an origin or
destination for 64 percent of riders in the previous month. Similarly, a survey of Citi Bike in New York found 52 percent of Citi Bike
riders combine bikeshare trips with other transportation modes “most of the
time.” Seventy-four percent of New
York bikeshare docks are within a five-minute walk of a rail station.
Los
Angeles, which will launch its bikeshare program in June 2016, is perhaps the
boldest in explicitly conceiving of bikeshare as a component of the transit
system. The county transit authority, LA Metro, will operate the system and has
announced it intends to integrate payment for bikeshare into the same farecard
already used on the agency’s trains and buses. (Other major bikeshare systems
require an electronic “key” or coded receipt distinct from the local transit
farecard.)
There was a widely shared sense that
most U.S. transit agencies are not nimble enough to take advantage of the
technological advancements that are the foundation of new shared-use options.
U.S. transit providers adopt new technologies more slowly than the private
sector in spite of the proven viability of technologies such as real-time
transit information and on-demand dispatching. In New York, for instance,
smartphone users can now view the location of MTA buses in real time, but most
subway stations still lack “countdown clocks” that estimate the arrival time of
the next train. The agency still requires riders to use magnetic strip-based
farecards, a generation-old technology. In Philadelphia, riders still have the
option of using tokens.
Across the country, outdated
procurement processes, inflexible existing contracts, and bureaucratic
practices are at the core of this issue. Many agencies understand that they
don’t have to be as versatile as a Silicon Valley startup, but they can
capitalize on such versatility by coordinating with such companies to enhance
transportation service.
To that end, the crucial first step
agencies have taken is offering open data to the public and to developers
through APIs. In nearly every city with a significant transit presence,
smartphone users can take advantage of apps that provide point-to-point routing
and, in some cases, real-time train or bus departure information. This is
because these transit agencies publish schedule data that uses a universal
standard known as General Transit Feed Specification (GTFS). The popularity and
success of these apps demonstrates the opportunities for greater integration of
public transit services and private-sector development capabilities.
For integration of shared-use options to work effectively,
interviewees asserted the requirement to have open data must be a two-way
street, with shared-use companies providing their internal data to governments
and the public. Specifically, origin/destination and consumer data that
shared-use companies collect would be valuable to transit agencies to improve
service and planning. The extent to which private shared-use companies make
data available varies significantly, and the general lack of data about travel
behavior from shared-use mobility operators is a major obstacle to potential
service integration. Precise questions regarding where or when shared-use
services may help or hinder overall mobility policy objectives cannot be
answered until more comprehensive data is made available.
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Public-sector stakeholders do not
collaborate to the extent they should, making integration of shared-use
mobility difficult. A major barrier identified in our interviews is many
transit agencies’ highly traditional perceptions of their role as providers of
a particular, fixed kind of transportation service provided by their own
employees, rather than as a coordinator or facilitator of mobility from
multiple companies and a diverse workforce. City departments of transportation,
meanwhile, are primarily concerned with managing street infrastructure with
limited involvement in the transportation services that make use of those
streets. Regulation of taxis is usually handled by an entirely separate department,
with little alignment between their regulation and the goals of the
transportation system.
Transit providers do occasionally
work beyond this narrow definition. Vanpool programs, paratransit, and
guaranteed ride home programs are examples of transit agencies coordinating
with private providers to offer shared-use services.
The contrast between the two types of
labor forces has yet been reconciled. Public transit is a heavily unionized
field. In contrast, shared-use mobility workers are rarely organized (with
bikeshare workers an exception), and in some cases are considered independent
contractors rather than employees of the shared-use provider. In fact, while
many transit agency interviewees identified labor issues as a major barrier,
they refrained from discussing it in depth. Similarly, shared-use providers
sidestep the problem by refusing to classify their workers as full-time
employees. No city government has found a way to resolve this fundamental
tension. The issue is beyond the scope of this paper, but it deserves further
study and its resolution remains vital.
Transit agencies,
departments of transportation, and metropolitan planning organizations all
expressed mixed feelings about the future of transportation as shared-use
mobility services proliferate. Concern was especially acute regarding ridesourcing
companies such as Uber and Lyft, given the challenge they pose to existing taxi
regulations. The most common fear among transit agencies is that ridesourcing
services will cannibalize ridership, stealing away current users of fixed route
transit—especially highly valued riders who do not depend on transit but use it
by choice. A related fear is that the rise of ridesourcing will erode public
support for transit and reduce political incentives to maintain good service.
Interview subjects also worried that if shared-use mobility trips replace transit trips, it could undermine
the positive externalities of public transit service like improved air quality.Until
more city-specific data are collected on shared-use ridership patterns, these
concerns can not be discounted. Still, evidence supporting them is
limited. In three of our six interview
cities, transit ridership was greater in 2014 than in 2011, the year Uber began
its national expansion and a year before Lyft was founded. Though the other three saw ridership declines, there is no research that
shared-use is causing the decline. In New York City and the Bay Area, two of
the country's largest shared-use markets, transit ridership has increased
substantially. In fact, it is possible that shared-use modes are discouraging
car ownership, thereby creating a much larger potential population of transit
riders.Indeed, many stakeholders were optimistic that thoughtfully integrated shared-use
mobility services could ultimately discourage people from driving alone rather
than discouraging them from using transit. Fixed-route transit has long
suffered from the so-called first-mile problem—people typically choose to drive
because it is too difficult to travel to a train station or bus stop from their
point of origin. Interviewees identified the
first/last-mile problem as a natural point for cooperation between shared-use
mobility providers and transit.